Israel’s attitude toward the ceasefire was mixed

When three Israeli hostages were released from Gaza on Sunday, Israeli kindergarten teacher Meytal Ofer felt two competing emotions.

First of all, Ms. Ofer felt joy — three of her compatriots, all women, were freed after more than 470 days of captivity.

However, there was also a feeling of hurt in his mind. In order to free the women, as well as thirty other hostages expected to be released in the next six weeks, Israel has promised to release about 1,000 Palestinian prisoners, some of whom are serving long sentences. for killing the Israelis.

One of these prisoners killed Mrs. Ofer’s father in an ax attack 11 years ago.

“I am very happy that they are back,” said Ms. Ofer, 48, of the hostages. But, he added, “There is a painful feeling knowing that my father’s killer will be freed.”

For Israelis and Palestinians, the signing of the cease-fire brought joy and celebration but it came at a price for both peoples.

The arrangement allows Israel to control the strategic enclave of Gaza, preventing many Palestinians from returning to their often-destroyed homes, at least for now. It also forced painful concessions from Israel – including the release of convicted terrorists and the possibility that Hamas, the instigator of the attacks that started the war, could remain in power today.

Despite a 15-month offensive that has devastated Gaza and killed tens of thousands of Palestinians, many Israelis now fear that the country has failed in its war aims.

After using Gaza as a springboard to launch the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust, Hamas still controls most of the territory, allowing its remaining members to march. joyfully marched through many cities in Gaza after the ceasefire began. For Israelis who still seek total defeat for the group, these scenes are gut-wrenching.

Others would risk Hamas’s survival if it led to the release of all the hostages still held by the group in Gaza. But a compromise by Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, guarantees the release of a third of them. Even these will be released at a high price — in exchange for prisoners convicted of some of the most notorious terror attacks in Israeli history, in addition to dozens of women and minors held in custody. there are charges.

“There is an extreme version of ambivalence — we feel two opposite emotions, strong and simultaneous, a combination of extreme joy and extreme fear,” says Israeli philosopher Micah Goodman.

This fear comes in two forms, depending on one’s political views, Mr. Goodman added. Many Israelis feared that the truce would collapse before all the hostages were freed. And many right-wing Israelis worry that the truce will last, preventing the complete defeat of Hamas.

“There is no Israeli I know who is not drawn to the image of our sisters back home,” said Mr. Goodman, author of several books on Israeli identity. “But the Israelis have given up fearing that they might lose the chance to bring the rest of the hostages home,” he added. “And the Israeli right fears that, if the war ends with Hamas, we may lose the war.”

Yitzhak Horn’s predicament epitomizes the conflict that many on the Israeli left feel. Both Horn’s sons, Eitan and Yair, were kidnapped during the October 7, 2023, attack by Hamas — but only Yair was listed as free for the first six weeks of the ceasefire. Eitan may not be released if the Israeli government, under pressure from the right wing, renews its efforts to defeat Hamas after the six weeks are over. Right now, Mr. Horn isn’t sure whether to celebrate or grieve.

“They put me in front of a modern-day Solomon problem,” Yitzhak Horn said in a radio interview Monday, referring to the biblical story of A mother was forced to choose between killing her child or giving it up.

“We are all happy with what happened yesterday, and we hope that things will continue like this,” he said. “On the other hand, I’m angry, disappointed and also scared because I don’t know what’s going to happen — when Eitan comes back.”

This frustration within the hostage movement is compounded by the feeling that the government could have done more to undermine Hamas while the war raged. Arguing that Hamas can only be replaced after the war ends, the government has repeatedly refused to pursue a transition of power in Gaza that would allow more moderate Palestinians to rule the territory in place of Hamas.

Over the past 15 months, Israeli forces have at times taken control of most of Gaza’s cities, forcing Hamas to flee to other areas. But in each case, the military has abandoned the difficult task of handing over power to Hamas’ opponents.

“Not only has Hamas survived a military conflict, its regime has not,” Israeli commentator Avi Issacharoff wrote in a Monday column for centrist newspaper, Yediot Ahronoth.

“A lot of that is thanks entirely to the Israeli government,” Mr. Issacharoff continued. “For months, Netanyahu and his ministers have steadfastly refused to engage in serious discussions about creating an alternative government to Hamas.”

Despite disagreements over the strategy of the war, Israelis of all backgrounds shared opinions on the decision to exchange Israeli hostages for Palestinian prisoners.

Israeli journalist Yair Cherki described how hard it was to rejoice over the release of the hostages — one of whom, Romi Gonen, was a family friend — when he found out that his brother’s killer would be freed in the same agreement.

“It’s less than 10 years since the murder, less than ten years and he’ll be out? This cannot be tolerated,” said Mr. Cherki in a televised round table discussion.

But, he concluded, “Romi is alive and that’s the basic and simple thing. My view has not changed: Romi must be here.”

Myra Noveck and Gabby Sobelman contributed reporting.